These are the top posts of 2020

It's always very interesting as a writer to look back at a year's of posts and find out which ones were most popular with my readers.

Here are the top posts on Junk Charts from 2020:

How to read this chart about coronavirus risk

This post about a New York Times scatter plot dates from February, a time when many Americans were debating whether Covid-19 was just the flu.

Proportions and rates: we are no dupes

This post about a ArsTechnica chart on the effects of Covid-19 by age is an example of designing the visual to reflect the structure of the data.

When the pie chart is more complex than the data

This post shows a 3D pie chart which is worse than a 2D pie chart.

Twitter people upset with that Covid symptoms diagram

This post discusses some complicated graphics designed to illustrate complicated datasets on Covid-19 symptoms.

Cornell must remove the logs before it reopens in the fall

This post is another warning to think twice before you use log scales.

What is the price of objectivity?

This post turns an "objective" data visualization into a piece of visual story-telling.

The snake pit chart is the best election graphic ever

This post introduces my favorite U.S. presidential election graphic, designed by the FiveThirtyEight team.


Here is a list of posts that deserve more attention:

Locating the political center

An example of bringing readers as close to the insights as possible

Visualizing change over time

An example of designing data visualization to reflect the structure of multivariate data

Bloomberg made me digest these graphics slowly

An example of simple and thoughtful graphics

The hidden bad assumption behind most dual-axis time-series charts

Read this before you make a dual-axis chart

Pie chart conventions

Read this before you make a pie chart

Looking forward to bring you more content in 2021!

Happy new year.

Is this an example of good or bad dataviz?

This chart is giving me feelings:


I first saw it on TV and then a reader submitted it.

Let's apply a Trifecta Checkup to the chart.

Starting at the Q corner, I can say the question it's addressing is clear and relevant. It's the relationship between Trump and McConnell's re-election. The designer's intended message comes through strongly - the chart offers evidence that McConnell owes his re-election to Trump.

Visually, the graphic has elements of great story-telling. It presents a simple (others might say, simplistic) view of the data - just the poll results of McConnell vs McGrath at various times, and the election result. It then flags key events, drawing the reader's attention to those. These events are selected based on key points on the timeline.

The chart includes wise design choices, such as no gridlines, infusing the legend into the chart title, no decimals (except for last pair of numbers, the intention of which I'm not getting), and leading with the key message.

I can nitpick a few things. Get rid of the vertical axis. Also, expand the scale so that the difference between 51%-40% and 58%-38% becomes more apparent. Space the time points in proportion to the dates. The box at the bottom is a confusing afterthought that reduces rather than assists the messaging.

But the designer got the key things right. The above suggestions do not alter the reader's expereince that much. It's a nice piece of visual story-telling, and from what I can see, has made a strong impact with the audience it is intended to influence.

_trifectacheckup_junkchartsThis chart is proof why the Trifecta Checkup has three corners, plus linkages between them. If we just evaluate what the visual is conveying, this chart is clearly above average.


In the D corner, we ask: what the Data are saying?

This is where the chart runs into several problems. Let's focus on the last two sets of numbers: 51%-40% and 58%-38%. Just add those numbers and do you notice something?

The last poll sums to 91%. This means that up to 10% of the likely voters responded "not sure" or some other candidate. If these "shy" voters show up at the polls as predicted by the pollsters, and if they voted just like the not shy voters, then the election result would have been 56%-44%, not 51%-40%. So, the 58%-38% result is within the margin of error of these polls. (If the "shy" voters break for McConnell in a 75%-25% split, then he gets 58% of the total votes.)

So, the data behind the line chart aren't suggesting that the election outcome is anomalous. This presents a problem with the Q-D and D-V green arrows as these pairs are not in sync.


In the D corner, we should consider the totality of the data available to the designer, not just what the designer chooses to utilize. The pivot of the chart is the flag annotating the "Trump robocall."

Here are some questions I'd ask the designer:

What else happened on October 31 in Kentucky?

What else happened on October 31, elsewhere in the country?

Was Trump featured in any other robocalls during the period portrayed?

How many robocalls were made by the campaign, and what other celebrities were featured?

Did any other campaign event or effort happen between the Trump robocall and election day?

Is there evidence that nothing else that happened after the robocall produced any value?

The chart commits the XYopia (i.e. X-Y myopia) fallacy of causal analysis. When the data analyst presents one cause and one effect, we are cued to think the cause explains the effect but in every scenario that is not a designed experiment, there are multiple causes at play. Sometimes, the more influential cause isn't the one shown in the chart.


Finally, let's draw out the connection between the last set of poll numbers and the election results. This shows why causal inference in observational data is such a beast.

Poll numbers are about a small number of people (500-1,000 in the case of Kentucky polls) who respond to polling. Election results are based on voters (> 2 million). An assumption made by the designer is that these polls are properly conducted, and their results are credible.

The chart above makes the claim that Trump's robocall gave McConnell 7% more votes than expected. This implies the robocall influenced at least 140,000 voters. Each such voter must fit the following criteria:

  • Was targeted by the Trump robocall
  • Was reached by the Trump robocall (phone was on, etc.)
  • Responded to the Trump robocall, by either picking up the phone or listening to the voice recording or dialing a call-back number
  • Did not previously intend to vote for McConnell
  • If reached by a pollster, would refuse to respond, or say not sure, or voting for McGrath or a third candidate
  • Had no other reason to change his/her behavior

Just take the first bullet for example. If we found a voter who switched to McConnell after October 31, and if this person was not on the robocall list, then this voter contributes to the unexpected gain in McConnell votes but weakens the case that the robocall influenced the election.

As analysts, our job is to find data to investigate all of the above. Some of these are easier to investigate. The campaign knows, for example, how many people were on the target list, and how many listened to the voice recording.





Podcast highlights

Recently, I made a podcast for Ryan Ray, which you can access here. The link sends you to a 14-day free trial to his newsletter, which is where he publishes his podcasts.


Ryan contacted me after he read my book Numbers Rule Your World (link). I was happy to learn that he enjoyed the stories, and during the podcast, he gave an example of how he applied the statistical concepts to other situations.

During the podcast, you will hear:

  • I have a line in my course syllabus that reads "after you take this class, you will not be able to look at numbers (in the media) with a straight face ever again." That's a goal of mine. And it also applies to my books.

  • Why are most statisticians skeptics

  • Figuring out the statistical conclusions is the easy part while the hardest challenge is to find a way to communicate them to a non-technical audience. I went through many drafts before I landed on the precise language used in those stories.

  • Why "correlation is not causation" is not useful practical advice
  • You can't unsee something you've already seen, and this creates hindsight bias
  • The biggest bang for the buck when improving statistical models is improving data quality

  • Some models, such as polls and election forecasts, can be thought of as thermometers measuring the mood of the respondents at the time of polling.


To hear the podcast, visit Ryan Ray's website.

A testing mess: one chart, four numbers, four colors, three titles, wrong units, wrong lengths, wrong data

Twitterstan wanted to vote the following infographic off the island:


(The publisher's website is here but I can't find a direct link to this graphic.)

The mishap is particularly galling given the controversy swirling around this year's A-Level results in the U.K. For U.S. readers, you can think of A-Levels as SAT Subject Tests, which in the U.K. are required of all university applicants, and represent the most important, if not the sole, determinant of admissions decisions. Please see the upcoming post on my book blog for coverage of the brouhaha surrounding the statistical adjustments (to be posted sometime this week, it's here.).

The first issue you may notice about the chart is that the bar lengths have no relationship with the numbers printed on them. Here is a scatter plot correlating the bar lengths and the data.


As you can see, nothing.

Then, you may wonder what the numbers mean. The annotation at the bottom right says "Average number of A level qualifications per student". Wow, the British (in this case, English) education system is a genius factory - with the average student mastering close to three thousand subjects in secondary (high) school!

TES is the cool name for what used to be the Times Educational Supplement. I traced the data back to Ofqual, which is the British regulator for these examinations. This is the Ofqual version of the above chart:


The data match. You may see that the header of the data table reads "Number of students in England getting 3 x A*". This is a completely different metric than number of qualifications - in fact, this metric measures geniuses. "A*" is the U.K. equivalent of "A+". When I studied under the British system, there was no such grade. I guess grade inflation is happening all over the world. What used to be A is now A+, and what used to be B is now A. Scoring three A*s is tops - I wonder if this should say 3 or more because I recall that you can take as many subjects as you desire but most students max out at three (may have been four).

The number of students attaining the highest achievement has increased in the last two years compared to the two years before. We can't interpret these data unless we know if the number of students also grew at similar rates.

The units are students while the units we expect from the TES graphic should be subjects. The cutoff for the data defines top students while the TES graphic should connote minimum qualification, i.e. a passing grade.

Now, the next section of the Ofqual infographic resolves the mystery. Here is the chart:


This dataset has the right units and measurement. There is almost no meaningful shift in the last four years. The average number of qualifications per student is only different at the second decimal place. Replacing the original data with this set removes the confusion.


While I was re-making this chart, I also cleaned out the headers and sub-headers. This is an example of software hegemony: the designer wouldn't have repeated the same information three times on a chart with four numbers if s/he wasn't prompted by software defaults.


The corrected chart violates one of the conventions I described in my tutorial for color difference should reflect data difference.

In the following side-by-side comparison, you see that the use of multiple colors on the left chart signals different data - note especially the top and bottom bars which carry the same number, but our expectation is frustrated.



[P.S. 8/25/2020. Dan V. pointed out another problem with these bar charts: the bars were truncated so that the bar lengths are not proportional to the data. The corrected chart is shown on the right below:


8/26/2020: added link to the related post on my book blog.]

Consumption patterns during the pandemic

The impact of Covid-19 on the economy is sharp and sudden, which makes for some dramatic data visualization. I enjoy reading the set of charts showing consumer spending in different categories in the U.S., courtesy of Visual Capitalist.

The designer did a nice job cleaning up the data and building a sequential story line. The spending are grouped by categories such as restaurants and travel, and then sub-categories such as fast food and fine dining.

Spending is presented as year-on-year change, smoothed.

Here is the chart for the General Commerce category:


The visual design is clean and efficient. Even too sparse because one has to keep returning to the top to decipher the key events labelled 1, 2, 3, 4. Also, to find out that the percentages express year-on-year change, the reader must scroll to the bottom, and locate a footnote.

As you move down the page, you will surely make a stop at the Food Delivery category, noting that the routine is broken.


I've featured this device - an element of surprise - before. Remember this Quartz chart that depicts drinking around the world (link).

The rule for small multiples is to keep the visual design identical but vary the data from chart to chart. Here, the exceptional data force the vertical axis to extend tremendously.

This chart contains a slight oversight - the red line should be labeled "Takeout" because food delivery is the label for the larger category.

Another surprise is in store for us in the Travel category.


I kept staring at the Cruise line, and how it kept dipping below -100 percent. That seems impossible mathematically - unless these cardholders are receiving more refunds than are making new bookings. Not only must the entire sum of 2019 bookings be wiped out, but the records must also show credits issued to these credit (or debit) cards. It's curious that the same situation did not befall the airlines. I think many readers would have liked to see some text discussing this pattern.


Now, let me put on a data analyst's hat, and describe some thoughts that raced through my head as I read these charts.

Data analysis is hard, especially if you want to convey the meaning of the data.

The charts clearly illustrate the trends but what do the data reveal? The designer adds commentary on each chart. But most of these comments count as "story time." They contain speculation on what might be causing the trend but there isn't additional data or analyses to support the storyline. In the General Commerce category, the 50 to 100 percent jump in all subcategories around late March is attributed to people stockpiling "non-perishable food, hand sanitizer, and toilet paper". That might be true but this interpretation isn't supported by credit or debit card data because those companies do not have details about what consumers purchased, only the total amount charged to the cards. It's a lot more work to solidify these conclusions.

A lot of data do not mean complete or unbiased data.

The data platform provided data on 5 million consumers. We don't know if these 5 million consumers are representative of the 300+ million people in the U.S. Some basic demographic or geographic analysis can help establish the validity. Strictly speaking, I think they have data on 5 million card accounts, not unique individuals. Most Americans use more than one credit or debit cards. It's not likely the data vendor have a full picture of an individual's or a family's spending.

It's also unclear how much of consumer spending is captured in this dataset. Credit and debit cards are only one form of payment.

Data quality tends to get worse.

One thing that drives data analyst nuts. The spending categories are becoming blurrier. In the last decade or so, big business has come to dominate the American economy. Big business, with bipartisan support, has grown by (a) absorbing little guys, and (b) eliminating boundaries between industry sectors. Around me, there is a Walgreens, several Duane Reades, and a RiteAid. They currently have the same owner, and increasingly offer the same selection. In the meantime, Walmart (big box), CVS (pharmacy), Costco (wholesale), etc. all won regulatory relief to carry groceries, fresh foods, toiletries, etc. So, while CVS or Walgreens is classified as a pharmacy, it's not clear that what proportion of the spending there is for medicines. As big business grows, these categories become less and less meaningful.

Hope and reality in one Georgia chart

Over the weekend, Georgia's State Health Department agitated a lot of people when it published the following chart:


(This might have appeared a week ago as the last date on the chart is May 9 and the title refers to "past 15 days".)

They could have avoided the embarrassment if they had read my article at (link). In that article, I lay out a set of the "unspoken conventions," things that visual designers are, or should be, doing more or less in their sleep. Under the section titled "Order", I explain the following two "rules":

  • Place values in the natural order when it is available
  • Retain the same order across all plots in a panel of charts

In the chart above, the natural order for the horizontal (time) axis is time running left to right. The order chosen by the designer  is roughly but not precisely decreasing height of the tallest column in each daily group. Many observers suggested that the columns were arranged to give the appearance of cases dropping over time.

Within each day, the counties are ordered in decreasing number of new cases. The title of the chart reads "number of cases over time" which sounds like cumulative cases but it's not. The "lead" changed hands so many times over the 15 days, meaning the data sequence was extremely noisy, which would be unlikely for cumulative cases. There are thousands of cases in each of these counties by May. Switching the order of the columns within each daily group defeats the purpose of placing these groups side-by-side.

Responding to the bad press, the department changed the chart design for this week's version:


This chart now conforms to the two spoken rules described above. The time axis runs left to right, and within each group of columns, the order of the counties is maintained.

The chart is still very noisy, with no apparent message.


Next, I'd like to draw your attention to a Data issue. Notice that the 15-day window has shifted. This revised chart runs from May 2 to May 16, which is this past Saturday. The previous chart ran from Apr 26 to May 9. 

Here's the data for May 8 and 9 placed side by side.


There is a clear time lag of reporting cases in the State of Georgia. This chart should always exclude the last few days. The case counts keep going up until it stabilizes. The same mistake occurs in the revised chart - the last two days appear as if new cases have dwindled toward zero when in fact, it reflects a lag in reporting.

The disconnect between the Question being posed and the quality of the Data available dooms this visualization. It is not possible to provide a reliable assessment of the "past 15 days" when during perhaps half of that period, the cases are under-counted.


Nyt_tryingtobefashionableThis graphical distortion due to "immature" data has become very commonplace in Covid-19 graphics. It's similar to placing partial-year data next to full-year results, without calling out the partial data.

The following post from the ancient past (2005!) about a New York Times graphic shows that calling out this data problem does not actually solve it. It's a less-bad kind of thing.

The coronavirus data present more headaches for graphic designers than the financial statistics. Because of accounting regulations, we know that only the current quarter's data are immature. For Covid-19 reporting, the numbers are being adjusted for days and weeks.

Practically all immature counts are under-estimates. Over time, more cases are reported. Thus, any plots over time - if unadjusted - paint a misleading picture of declining counts. The effect of the reporting lag is predictable, having a larger impact as we run from left to right in time. Thus, even if the most recent data show a downward trend, it can eventually mean anything: down, flat or up. This is not random noise though - we know for certain of the downward bias; we just don't know the magnitude of the distortion for a while.

Another issue that concerns coronavirus reporting but not financial reporting is inconsistent standards across counties. Within a business, if one were to break out statistics by county, the analysts would naturally apply the same counting rules. For Covid-19 data, each county follows its own set of rules, not just  how to count things but also how to conduct testing, and so on.

Finally, with the politics of re-opening, I find it hard to trust the data. Reported cases are human-driven data - by changing the number of tests, by testing different mixes of people, by delaying reporting, by timing the revision of older data, by explicit manipulation, ...., the numbers can be tortured into any shape. That's why it is extremely important that the bean-counters are civil servants, and that politicians are kept away. In the current political environment, that separation between politics and statistics has been breached.


Why do we have low-quality data? Human decisions, frequently political decisions, adulterate the data. Epidemiologists are then forced to use the bad data, because that's what they have. Bad data lead to bad predictions and bad decisions, or if the scientists account for the low quality, predictions with high levels of uncertainty. Then, the politicians complain that predictions are wrong, or too wide-ranging to be useful. If they really cared about those predictions, they could start by being more transparent about reporting and more proactive at discovering and removing bad accounting practices. The fact that they aren't focused on improving the data gives the game away. Here's a recent post on the politics of data.


The hidden bad assumption behind most dual-axis time-series charts

[Note: As of Monday afternoon, Typepad is having problems rendering images. Please try again later if the charts are not loading properly.]

DC sent me the following chart over Twitter. It supposedly showcases one sector that has bucked the economic collapse, and has conversely been boosted by the stay-at-home orders around the world.


At first glance, I was drawn to the yellow line and the axis title on the right side. I understood the line to depict the growth rate in traffic "vs a normal day". The trend is clear as day. Since March 10 or so, the website has become more popular by the week.

For a moment, I thought the thin black line was a trendline that fits the rather ragged traffic growth data. But looking at the last few data points, I was afraid it was a glove that didn't fit. That's when I realized this is a dual-axis chart. The black line shows the worldwide total Covid-19 cases, with the axis shown on the left side.

As with any dual-axis charts, you can modify the relationship between the two scales to paint a different picture.

This next chart says that the site traffic growth lagged Covid-19 growth until around March 14.


This one gives an ambiguous picture. One can't really say there is a strong correlation between the two time series.



Now, let's look at the chart from the DATA corner of the Trifecta Checkup (link). The analyst selected definitions that are as far apart as possible. So this chart gives a good case study of the intricacy of data definitions.

First, notice the smoothness of the line of Covid-19 cases. This data series is naturally "smoothed" because it is an aggregate of country-level counts, which themselves are aggregates of regional counts.

By contrast, the line of traffic growth rates has not been smoothed. That's why we see sharp ups and downs. This series should be smoothed as well.


The seven-day moving average line indicates a steady growth in traffic. The day-to-day fluctuations represent noise that distracts us from seeing the trendline.

Second, the Covid-19 series is a cumulative count, which means it's constantly heading upward over time (on rare days, it may go flat but never decrease). The traffic series represents change, is not cumulative, and so it can go up or down over time. To bring the data closer together, the Covid-19 series can be converted into new cases so they are change values.


Third, the traffic series are growth rates as percentages while the Covid-19 series are counts. It is possible to turn Covid-19 counts into growth rates as well. Like this:


By standardizing the units of measurement, both time series can be plotted on the same axis. Here is the new plot:


Third, the two growth rates have different reference levels. The Covid-19 growth rate I computed is day-on-day growth. This is appropriate since we don't presume there is a seasonal effect - something like new cases on Mondays are typically larger than new cases on Tuesday doesn't seem plausible.

Thanks to this helpful explainer (link), I learned what the data analyst meant by a "normal day". The growth rate of traffic is not day-on-day change. It is the change in traffic relative to the average traffic in the last four weeks on the same day of week. If it's a Monday, the change in traffic is relative to the average traffic of the last four Mondays.

This type of seasonal adjustment is used if there is a strong day-of-week effect. For example, if the website reliably gets higher traffic during weekends than weekdays, then the Saturday traffic may always exceed the Friday traffic; instead of comparing Saturday to the day before, we index Saturday to the previous Saturday, Friday to the previous Friday, and then compare those two values.


Let's consider the last chart above, the one where I got rid of the dual axes.

A major problem with trying to establish correlation of two time series is time lag. Most charts like this makes a critical and unspoken assumption - that the effect of X on Y is immediate. This chart assumes that the higher the number Covid-19 cases, the more people stays home that day, the more people swarms the site that day. Said that way, you might see it's ridiculous.

What is true of any correlations in the wild - there is always some amount of time lag. It usually is hard to know how much lag.


Finally, the chart omitted a huge factor driving the growth in traffic. At various times dependent on the country, the website rolled out a free premium service offer. This is the primary reason for the spike around mid March. How much of the traffic growth is due to the popular marketing campaign, and how much is due to stay-at-home orders - that's the real question.

The epidemic of simple comparisons

Another day, another Twitter user sent a sloppy chart featured on TV news. This CNN graphic comes from Hugo K. by way of Kevin T.

And it's another opportunity to apply the self-sufficiency test.


Like before, I removed the data printed on the graphic. In reading this chart, we like to know the number of U.S. reported cases of coronavirus relative to China, and Italy relative to the U.S.

So, our eyes trace these invisible lines:


U.S. cases are roughly two-thirds of China while Italian cases are 90% of U.S.

That's what the visual elements, the columns, are telling us. But it's fake news. Here is the chart with the data:


The counts of reported cases in all three countries were neck and neck around this time.

What this quick exercise shows is that anyone who correctly reads this chart is reading the data off the chart, and ignoring the contradictionary message sent by the relative column heights. Thus, the visual elements are not self-sufficient in conveying the message.


In a Trifecta Checkup, I'd be most concerned about the D corner. The naive comparison of these case counts is an epidemic of its own. It sometimes leads to poor decisions that can exacerbate the public-health problems. See this post on my sister blog.

The difference in case counts between different countries (or regions or cities or locales) is not a direct measure of the difference in coronavirus spread in these places! This is because there are many often-unobserved factors that will explain most if not all of the differences.

After a lot of work by epidemiologists, medical researchers, statisticians and the likes, we now realize that different places conduct different numbers of tests. No test, no positive. The U.S. has been slow to get testing ramped up.

Less understood is the effect of testing selection. Consider the U.S. where it is still hard to get tested. Only those who meet a list of criteria are eligible. Imagine an alternative reality in which the U.S. conducted the same number of tests but instead of selecting most likely infected people to be tested, we test a random sample of people. The incidence of the virus in a random sample is much lower than in the severely infected, therefore, in this new reality, the number of positives would be lower despite equal numbers of tests.

That's for equal number of tests. If test kits are readily available, then a targeted (triage) testing strategy will under-count cases since mild cases or asymptomatic infections escape attention. (See my Wired column for problems with triage.)

To complicate things even more, in most countries, the number of tests and the testing selection have changed over time so a cumulative count statistic obscures those differences.

Beside testing, there are a host of other factors that affect reported case counts. These are less talked about now but eventually will be.

Different places have different population densities. A lot of cases in a big city and an equal number of cases in a small town do not signify equal severity.  Clearly, the situation in the latter is more serious.

Because the virus affects age groups differently, a direct comparison of the case counts without adjusting for age is also misleading. The number of deaths of 80-year-olds in a college town is low not because the chance of dying from COVID-19 is lower there than in a retirement community; it's low because 80-year-olds are a small proportion of the population.

Next, the cumulative counts ignore which stage of the "epi curve" these countries are at. The following chart can replace most of the charts you're inundated with by the media:


(I found the chart here.)

An epi curve traces the time line of a disease outbreak. Every location is expected to move through stages, with cases reaching a peak and eventually the number of newly recovered will exceed the number of newly infected.

Notice that China, Italy and the US occupy different stages of this curve.  It's proper to compare U.S. to China and Italy when they were at a similar early phase of their respective epi curve.

In addition, any cross-location comparison should account for how reliable the data sources are, and the different definitions of a "case" in different locations.


Finally, let's consider the Question posed by the graphic designer. It is the morbid question: which country is hit the worst by coronavirus?

This is a Type DV chart. It's got a reasonable question, but the data require a lot more work to adjust for the list of biases. The visual design is hampered by the common mistake of not starting columns at zero.


More visuals of the economic crisis

As we move into the next phase of the dataviz bonanza arising from the coronavirus pandemic, we will see a shift from simple descriptive graphics of infections and deaths to bivariate explanatory graphics claiming (usually spurious) correlations.

The FT is leading the way with this effort, and I hope all those who follow will make a note of several wise decisions they made.

  • They source their data. Most of the data about business activities come from private entities, many of which are data vendors who make money selling the data. In this article, FT got restaurant data from OpenTable, retail foot traffic data from Springboard, box office data from Box Office Mojo, flight data from Flightradar24, road traffic data from TomTom, and energy use data from European Network of Transmission System Operators for Electricity.
  • They generally let the data and charts speak without "story time". The text primarily describes the trends of the various data series.
  • They selected sectors that are obviously impacted by the shutdowns so any link between the observed trends and the crisis is plausible.

The FT charts are examples of clarity. Here is the one about road traffic patterns in major cities:


The cities are organized into regions: Europe, US, China, other Asia.

The key comparison is the last seven days versus the historical averages. The stories practically jump out of the page. Traffic in Paris collapsed on Tuesday. Wuhan is still locked down despite the falloff in infections. Drivers of Tokyo are probably wondering why teams are not going to the Olympics this year. Londoners? My guess is they're determined to not let another Brexit deadline slip.


I'd hope we go even further than FT when publishing this type of visual analytics involving "Big Data." These business data obtained from private sources typically have OCCAM properties: they are observational, seemingly complete, uncontrolled, adapted and merged. All these properties make the data very challenging to interpret.

The coronavirus case and death counts are simple by comparison. People are now aware of all the problems from differential rates of testing to which groups are selectively tested (i.e. triage) to how an infection or death is defined. The problems involving Big Data are much more complex.

I have three additional proposals:

Disclosure of Biases and Limitations

The private data have many more potential pitfalls. Take OpenTable data for example. The data measure restaurant bookings, not revenues. It measures gross bookings, not net bookings (i.e. removing no-shows). Only a proportion of restaurants use OpenTable (which cost owners money). OpenTable does not strike me as a quasi-monopoly so there are competitors with significant market share. The restaurants that use OpenTable do not form a random subsample of all restaurants. One of the most popular restaurants in the U.S. are pizza joints, with little of no seating, which do not feature in the bookings data. OpenTable also has differential popularity by country, region, or probably cuisine. 

I believe data journalists ought to provide such context in a footnote. Readers should have the information to judge whether they believe the data are sufficiently representative. Private data vendors who want data journalists to feature their datasets should be required to supply a footnote that describes the biases and limitations of their data.

Data journalists should think seriously about how they headline this type of chart. The standard practice is what FT adopted. The headline said "Restaurant bookings have collapsed" with a small footnote saying "Source: OpenTable". Should the headline have said "OpenTable bookings have collapsed" instead?

Disclosure of Definitions and Proxies

In the road traffic chart shown above, the metric is called "TomTom traffic congestion index". In order to earn this free advertising (euphemistically called "earned media" by industry), TomTom should be obliged to explain how this index is constructed. What does index = 100 mean?

[For example, it is curious that the Madrid index values are much lower across the board than those in Paris and Roma.]

For the electric usage chart, FT discloses the name of the data provider as a group of "43 electricity transmission system operators in 36 countries across Europe." Now, that is important context but can be better. The group may consist of 43 operators but how many of them are in the dataset? What proportion of the total electric usage do they account for in each country? If they have low penetration in a particular country, do they just report the low statistics or adjust the numbres?

If the journalist decides to use a proxy, for example, OpenTable restaurant bookings to reflect restaurant revenues, that should be explained, perhaps even justified.

Data as a Public Good

If private businesses choose to supply data to media outlets as a public service, they should allow the underlying data to be published.

Speaking from experience, I've seen a lot of bad data. It's one thing to hold your nose when the data are analyzed to make online advertising more profitable, or to find signals to profit from the stock market. It's another thing for the data analysis to drive public policy, in this case, policies that will have life-or-death implications.

It's impossible to understand Super Tuesday, this chart says

Twitter people are talking about this chart, from NPR (link):


This was published on Wednesday after Super Tuesday, the day on which multiple states held their primary elections. On the Democratic side, something like a third of the delegates were up for grabs (although as the data below this chart shows, a big chunk of the delegates, mostly from California and Texas, have yet to be assigned to a candidate as they were still counting votes.)

Here, I hovered over the Biden line, trying to decipher the secret code in these lines:


I have to say I failed. Biden won 6 delegates on Feb 3, 9 on Feb 22, 39 on Feb 29, and 512 on Mar 3. I have no idea how those numbers led to this line!


Here is what happened so far in the Democratic primary:


The key tradeoff the designer has to make here is the relative importance of the timeline and the total count. In this chart, it's easiest to compare the total count across candidates as of the Wednesday morning, then to see how each candidate accumulates the delegates over the first five contest days. It takes a little more effort to see who's ahead after each contest day. And it is almost impossible to see the spacing of the contest days over the calendar.

I don't use stacked bar charts often but this chart form makes clear the cumulative counts over time so it's appropriate here.

Also, the as-yet-unassigned delegates is a big part of the story and needs to be visualized.


P.S. See comment below. There was a bug in the code and they fixed the line chart.


So, some of the undecided delegates have been awarded and comparing the two charts, it appears that the gap went down from 105 to 76. Still over 150 delegates not assigned.