Junk Charts

Redundancy

Nick B., who occasionally writes about statistical graphics, found some classic chart junk from a Canadian report on the Afghan army.  Here's one example, together with the junkchart version.

Redundancy is an enemy of good graphics, and incongruous redundancy is worse.  Here, troop level is variously described as "total force size", "strength" and "army growth"; the chart on the right uses only the army concept.  The data labels ("47000 Strength"), the axis labels ("50000 Total Force Size"), and the gridlines all germinate from the five grand data points underlying the entire chart!

Another distorting feature is that use of different-sized time intervals, which we space out appropriately on the right chart.

Ultimately, the key message should be growth in the army size, not the absolute number of troops.  The slopes of the line segments encode this information.  Alternatively, a data table can be rather powerful for simple data like this:

By what is called the "end state", there would be 70% more troops than those as of December 2007.

 

Lacking buzz

Nielsen, they of the ratings, is roughing it in the information age.  When they announced on-line tracking tools, Wired quipped: "It's looking like online video policing companies will have to make room for another deputy."  Last year, cable companies revolted over a service measuring the effectiveness of commercials.

Via the Data Mining blog, I learnt about yet another new on-line offering, called "Hey! Nielsen" for obscure reasons.  (Perhaps Hey! Nielsen is the new Yahoo! !)

The site is an enigma wrapped in a mystery.  The official description says:

Hey! Nielsen is the place to make a name for yourself while trading opinions on TV, movies, music, personalities, web sites and more.

How does one "trade" opinions?

According to the FAQ, the "Hey! Nielsen" score, the cornerstone of the site, is:

a real-time indicator of a topic's impact and value and you play a major role. As the site evolves and users submit their opinions and commentary, the score will rise or fall based on a number of factors including, but not limited to, user opinions, news coverage, and raw data from our sister sites Billboard.com, HollywoodReporter.com, and BlogPulse.com.

Sounds like a product aimed at marketers to help them track public opinion but offering little control over sampling. 

The "Hey! Nielsen" buzz chart (below) captures the change in "Hey! Nielsen" score over time.

This chart is an unfortunate case of flipping background into foreground.  What grabs our attention are those hideous white circles with numbers in them.  The legend explains that these are the daily numbers of opinions on the subject, in other words, the daily sample sizes.  As they stand now (with the site still in beta), they serve to expose the low level of participation, leading to small sample sizes, and irrelevance.  But what when the site became super-popular, would the circles say 56234, 19245, 90257, etc.?  Why would visitors care about daily sample sizes anyway?  Mousing over these circles reveal text but in most cases, they are blocked by neighboring white circles.

In the meantime, the circles obscure the line which shows the trend in the "Hey! Nielsen" score over time.  This chart reminds me of that Google toy known as Google Trends.  The Googlers provide no vertical scale so the graphs are unreadable.  "Hey! Nielsen"ers provide a vertical scale -- kind of -- but the graphs are still meaningless: what does a score of 881 mean?  how about 724?  what is the maximum score?  what is the minimum?  Beware numbers without context.

The vertical axis does start from zero but has an odd spacing of tick labels. The gridlines are distracting and serve no purpose.  The orange area under the curve also makes little sense.

We look forward to seeing version 2.0.

 

Points of comparison

In light of the current housing crisis, arising from mortgage defaults, I pulled this graphic from a Jan 2007 opinion piece that plotted historical default rates of mortgages.  Notice the high degree of stretching on the vertical axis that exaggerates the volatility: essentially, the annual delinquency rate ranged from 1.75% to 2.65% during the last six years or so.  One might be forgiven to think that a 2% default rate is quite acceptable.

Compare the above chart to the pair that showed up in the NYT in Oct 2007 (see right).  The default rates here are in the 10-20% range, very alarming indeed.

The two graphics illustrate a key issue of "aggregation" in statistical analysis.  The first graphic is super-aggregated: all types of mortgages of all ages are put together to calculate each year's default rate.  The second graphic hones in on subprime mortgages only.

More importantly, the second graphic presents data in "vintages".  Each line represents loans originated during a particular year (a "vintage").  This establishes comparability.  On the first chart, each point in time represents the default rate of mortgages averaged over all ages (some loans may be only a few months old; others may be 15 years old).  Since the default rate is much higher for very young mortgages than for older mortgages, such averaging hides crucial information.

Overall, the NYT graphic very effectively conveys the alarming trend of new mortgages performing much worse, especially those originated in 2007.

It can benefit from two slight edits: adding a few more years, and using vertical lines (the most critical comparisons are default rates for loans of a given age!)  Something like this...

Sources: "As Defaults Rise, Washington Worries", New York Times, Oct 16 2007; "Mounting Mortgage Credit Problems", economy.com, Jan 23 2007.

Cheers

This is an exemplary chart from the NYT Sports page.  It provides a clear, informative and exciting way to visualize how the baseball season has gone for the Mets this and last year.  It's been mostly up and not much down. 

We can observe the more subtle differences: last season was a steady rise with only two prolonged down periods; this season's curve is driven by two up periods (including right now), outside of which the record has hovered around two levels (0, +3).

Especially commendable is the judicious use of axis labels.  However, I'm not clear on how some of the labels were chosen.  For example, 14 games ahead seem to me a rather arbitrary one.

All in all, a job well done.

Source: "Not Only Yankee Fans Cheering for Week 22", New York Times, Aug 27, 2007

Transgender trends

One of the many gratifications of blogging is to connect with others who have similar interests; so it has been fantastic to receive user submissions (though admittedly I don't check my inbox frequently enough).  The thoughtfulness of these nominations continues to impress me.

Evan sent in 254 charts he created after looking at the post on baby names.  An example is shown on the right. 

He is particularly interested in the question of names that are given to both males and females. 

For example, the bottom chart shows that Jordan is primarily a male name, and saw a period of growth followed by decline, although the decline has been more severe on the male side than the female side. 

It's a nice touch to label the most recent year.  I'd also label the values for the most recent year on the axes.

Evan also offers the following solution to the scaling problem we identified in the original WSJ chart:

My solution was just to put two charts on each chart. One at a fixed scale for every chart to give a sense of size and one at a variable scale to better show the shape of the plot.

In other words, for less popular names, the top chart would look much more compressed.

There are many more charts to sift through on his site.  Evan welcomes suggestions.

Gauging the water level

This set of charts covered the back page of one of New York Times' sections this weekend.

Regular readers will share my enthusiasm for the top chart.  It makes a clear, cogent case to support the article's thesis concerning the rise of bottled water.  Various renditions of this type of chart have appeared here, for example.

Specifically, the smart use of color to cluster the line objects helps interpret the trends.  Blue sets out the two primary interests.  (It's a mystery to me why the gray lines were separated into darker and lighter hues.)

The twenty-year horizon used is another nice touch. I'd remove the gridlines although they aren't too distracting here.

Sadly, the second graphic does not meet the high standard of the first.  The biggest problem concerns the red rectangle, purportedly showing how much of the bottled water was imported.  The choice of differently-sized bottles as objects makes it impossible to gauge what proportion of the total was imported.  If the rectangle was placed over 1-litre bottles instead, it would look smaller.

Source: "A Battle Between the Bottle and the Faucet", New York Times, July 15, 2007.

Foreground, background

Derek C. points us to this effort by a science journalist to use graphs to help "clarify the concept of climate change".  The graph on the left shows that actual greenhouse gas emissions have exceeded the level predicted by the most pessimistic climate models.  The 3D bar chart on the right examines which countries had most increased emissions since 1990.

While the bar chart contains many of Tufte's "ducks" (not sorted by percent change, 3D, color, gridlines, sufficiency, etc.), it's the left chart that can be made more powerful. 

The casual observer does not need to know which model led to which trajectory of predictions; the graph is vastly simplified, and the message much clearer in the junkart version.  (I only included the CDIAC data because I didn't locate the EIA numbers.)

The general point here is recognizing what is foreground, and what is background.  Aside from gridlines, data labels, axis labels and so on, some of the data usually constitute background material, often as in this case being used to establish comparability.

One message I got out of this chart is that these climate models have done a good job!  (Now, I have no idea if part of the curve included the training period.  It is curious that the predictions were very narrowly contained in the early 1990s.)

Source: The Island of Doubt Blog, June 6, 2007.

The Immigrants' Path

A recent Wall Street Journal editorial used this chart (via the National Foundation for American Policy) to claim success for the "Bracero" guest worker program, initiated in 1942.  Their analysis:

... illegal border crossings subsequently plummeted.  Between 1953 and 1959, they fell by some 95%.  In 1960, mainly in response to complaints from labor unions, the program was scaled back and eventually phased out.

 

 

 

Long-time readers may recall Friedman's Crossover Law of Petropolitics, where the opportune criss-crossing of lines
plotted along double axes was taken as proof of causality.  Friedman's Law lurked here, right in the 1953-1959 range. 

 

The NFAP went one better: in their original version, they blew up the 1953-1959 period to show us the criss-crossing lines!

We see trouble right from the start.  The "subsequent" effect that proved the case occurred in 1953, over 10 years after the program started. During that first decade, the number of apprehensions rose 4388%, in spite of the guest worker program.

A scatter plot (below left) now shows the lack of any meaningful relationship between these two variables.  While high admissions appeared together with low apprehensions, any level of admissions had historically been paired with low apprehensions.

On the right, I connected the dots in chronological order.  Any claim of a negative relationship between admissions and apprehensions has been debunked.  From 1942 on (as we trace the line clockwise from lower left), first the nation experienced stepwise increasing admissions coupled with stepwise increasing apprehensions; then it witnessed sharply dropping apprehensions with relatively stable admissions; and finally it saw plummeting admissions while apprehensions remained low.  Three separate episodes, three distinct patterns.  There was no association, let alone causation.

Source: "Immigration Plan B", Wall Street Journal, June 13 2007.

Airline bumps and bump charts

The Harvard Social Science Statistics blog pointed to an NYT article about revenue optimization in the airline industry.  Huge props to the Times for explaining the science (and art and politics) of one of the most successful applications of operations research.

In short, valuable business travellers want refundable tickets.  Because of this and other reasons, about 10% of booked tickets become no shows.  Airlines recoup the loss by over-booking.  Implicitly, they trade off the potential for dissatifying a few unlucky passengers (who would be bumped from their flights) and the potential for flying with 10% empty seats (in addition to unsold seats).  Optimization algorithms (constantly tuned by entry-level staff) try to strike a balance.

Recently, because the average percentage of seats sold has been going up, the room for such maneuvreing has been squeezed, leading to higher bump rates, and more travellers being stranded.  There is some variation across airlines due to the level of sophistication of their revenue optimization algorithms, corporate strategy, etc.

The following charts present data by airline of the bump rates in 2005 and 2006.  One would be interested in answering questions such as:

• Which airlines have the best (or worst) bump rate?
• Are some airlines consistently better (or worse) at controlling the bump rate?
• Which airlines have improved (or worsened) from year to year?
• Are the differences of practical significance?

The original chart shown on the left does not reveal the answers readily.  My favourite bumps chart offers them up clearly (well, except on the question of significance).

The biggest problem, though, is the header: number of passengers per 10,000 bumped.  The data plotted appeared to be the reverse: the number of bumps per 10,000 passengers.  Otherwise, there would have been more bumped passengers than passengers!

Source: "Bumped Fliers and No Plan B", New York Times, May 30, 2007.

If we report it, it's a fact

David Leonhardt wrote in the NYT of a shocking incident of statistical abuse committed by Lou Dobbs and the CNN crew.

On several recent occasions, while commenting on the red-hot immigration issue, Lou and company remarked that "there had been 7,000 cases of leprosy in this country over the previous three years, far more than in the past".  (Leprosy is a flesh-eating disease prevalent among immigrants, particularly of Asian or Latin American origin.)

When asked about fact-checking, Lou reportedly said: "If we reported it, it's a fact."  A quick visit to the government's leprosy program web-site immediately reveals the time-series chart, shown on the left.  With annual rates at about 150 in the last 5 years or so, one is hard impressed to find the 7,000 alleged cases!

Furthermore, because this chart lacks comparability, we fail to see that 150 cases out of a population of 300 million represent a minuscule risk.

A slight downward trend is evident in the last 20 years or so; this record is even more impressive when we realize the population grew during this period.  These points can be made clearer in multivariate plots.

Source: "Truth, Fiction and Lou Dobbs", New York Times, May 30, 2007; U.S. National Hansen's Disease web-site.